Democratic Innovation

Democratic Innovation

IN Numbers

8%

Of the world’s population live in a ‘full’ democracy, the lowest level since 2006.

57.5%

Of the population in developed economies is ‘dissatisfied’ with how democracy is working, the highest level since 1995

91

Laws introduced globally between 2016 and 2022 on MDM: misinformation, disinformation, and mal-information.

THE BIG Picture

Democracy is at a crossroads, with most signs pointing downhill…

Indices of enthusiasm for, participation in – and even the continuation of – democracy are in decline and have been for some years.

The EIU (Economist Intelligence Unit) Democracy Index has fallen to its lowest level since it began in 2006. Less than 8% of the world’s population live in a ‘full’ democracy, while almost 40% live under authoritarian rule. Dissatisfaction has increased in many established democracies, with citizens in almost all of them believing that the state of democracy has worsened over the past five years. And as the recent disruption in South Korea has shown, democracy may be more fragile than we care to believe.

The rise of extremism threatens democracies, and the stability of communities. When this goes unchallenged, it can have a devastating effect on social harmony.

Then there is the growing and deeply corrosive impact of social media and disinformation on the way politicians are seen. It can erode trust in institutions, causing many democracies to stagnate or even slide backwards.

Misinformation and disinformation are particularly insidious threats. Social media amplifies lies and distortions. It causes citizens to increasingly distrust leaders and institutions, creating fertile ground for extremism. The impact is huge, undermining fair elections and the legitimacy of democracies.

Despite these challenges, democracy remains a powerful tool for collective progress.

Innovations offer promising ways for re- engaging disaffected populations. By allowing everyday citizens to make meaningful decisions, new-style assemblies renew trust and foster inclusivity.

THE BIG Fixes

Not all roads need to take us down. Democracies can evolve into stronger systems. But what does this look like?

POWER TO THE PEOPLE

Citizens’ Assemblies are revitalising democratic participation. It is not a new idea – they began 2,000 years ago – but their time may have come. By randomly selecting a representative group of citizens to decisions on public policies, it is one way to restore power to communities. Successful examples, such as Ireland’s constitutional reform process, demonstrate how assemblies can resolve divisive issues effectively.

Participatory budgeting, where citizens decide how public funds are allocated, also re-engages marginalised groups. Jon Alexander, founder of the New Citizen Project argues that only by embracing a participatory citizen mindset in budget and other decisions can we build resilient democracies.

Citizen assemblies can resolve divisive issues quickly

EMPOWER THE LAW

International law has a role to play here. The EU’s Digital Services Act provides a solid foundation for regulating harmful content online, balancing free speech with accountability. And further strengthening

international courts and election monitoring bodies can safeguard democracies from attack.

There is a democratic dividend to be won from an outbreak of peace

Global conflicts also fuel an atmosphere of democratic backsliding – resolving them is vital. There is clearly a democratic dividend to be won from an outbreak of peace in all (or even parts) of the world. Peace provides the fertile ground, but of course does not guarantee, stronger democracies. Renewed investment in diplomacy and conflict resolution abroad can further bolster the credibility of democratic institutions at home.

UNDERSTAND EXTREMISM

It is younger voters that are most disillusioned. They are less likely to vote, and, perhaps most worryingly, more biddable by populists and autocrats. Some 20% of Britons aged 18-45 think the country would be better off with a ‘strong leader who doesn’t have to bother with elections’.

Across Europe, Gen Z increasingly supports politics on the extremes of left and right. But they are not alone, with older voters similarly swayed, and nearly 40% of violent extremist offenders in the USA are aged 35 or older.

Rather than telling people that they are wrong, it is important to understand why they feel this way. Across all age groups, the appeal of populists is contagious and often driven by an individual’s sense that they are losing agency. This is driven in part by increasing disparities in wealth, and a broader feeling that the social contract is broken. Young men are seeing declining rates of academic achievement across developed economies, creating a generation that increasingly finds itself ‘economically and emotionally unviable’. Spanning these groups is a belief that the system is not working for them as it should. Understanding this challenge, give us the best hope of countering it.

FIGHT DISINFORMATION

The decline in faith in democracy correlates with the explosive rise of social media, and with it, ‘fake news’ or ‘MDM’. As traditional media has tried to match social outlets in the charge for eyeballs, MDM – misinformation, disinformation, malinformation – has flourished. Misinformation is that which is false, but not intended to do harm. Disinformation is that which is deliberately intended to manipulate people (including how they vote). Malinformation stems from the truth, but gets twisted in ways that cause harm. Meta’s decision to shed 40,000 moderators seems likely to increase these issues. But the solution here is not some state arbiter of acceptable opinions, but better media literacy and education in ‘critical thinking.’

For example, Finland’s national curriculum, which integrates critical thinking to combat fake news, offers hope for arming citizens to spot fast-moving falsehoods. Structural reforms, such as breaking up social media monopolies and promoting algorithm transparency, could also curb the spread of false information.

OPEN DEMOCRACY

Digital democracy is the most tangible example of how technology and civic institutions can create a virtuous partnership. Taiwan’s pioneering use of digital democracy demonstrates how transparency and open data can strengthen public trust in governance. (See also ‘In action’).

Through open data initiatives in the country, citizens actively engage in decision- making processes, enhancing trust. Consider its response to Covid-19. While other governments protected information about PPE like a dark family secret, Taiwan published a digital map, sharing the location of every box of face masks in the country. This real-time inventory enabled people to visit the chemists that had stock, ensuring swifter distribution, and slowed the arrival of Covid-19.

Taiwan shows how open data can strenghten public trust

Blockchain voting systems may offer value, but caution is needed – digital voting systems could be manipulated at scale in ways that printed voting slips cannot. Mandatory voting policies could also help to underpin any democracy. Looking ahead, democracies must also focus on inclusivity and resilience.

Initiatives like RAPID Democracy, which is a simple framework that combines the best existing and emerging participatory principles of both, offers scalable solutions for meaningful citizen engagement. A lot of small innovations can bring democracy back from the brink. All these approaches can not only counter democratic disillusionment but set a better course in a rapidly changing world. By embracing these Big Fixes, we can create resilient, innovative systems capable of engaging with citizens to address some very fundamental challenges.

CASE STUDY

THE NORDIC MODEL

Whichever measure you use – the Democracy Index, the Democracy Matrix, or the Global State of Democracy Initiative – one trend is clear: the Nordics often top these lists. These states are noted for their free and fair elections, civil liberties, and citizen’s enthusiasm for (and participation in) the democratic process, along with power regularly shifting between parties. But then, these systems are well established, and democracy takes practice. Transfering those models to newer democracies, with more diverse populations and wildly differing histories is not a simple one-size-fits-all approach. What works in the Nordics does not apply as readily in India. We must also pay attention to innovative, healthy, newer democracies, such as Chile, Uruguay, and Taiwan.

IN Action

The Conduit’s commitment

This is a discussion that impacts everyone on earth, has a broad resonance with the public, and, curcially, is an area where individuals can make a key difference. Throughout 2025, our ‘Adventures in Democracy’ programming, in the club and available for free online, will crystalise the most effective forms of democracy, identify the greatest threats we face, and produce a policy paper – The Democracy Toolkit – on ensuring systems that are fit for the coming century.